Fiscal conservatism

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Fiscal conservatism is a political phrase term used in North America to attack government spending and advocate instead lower spending and a lower federal debt; it may also include higher taxes in order to lower the debt. It does not necessarily denote advocacy of free market economics as a whole, and is a distinct concept from that of neo-liberalism.

A major cause of the American Revolution was "No Taxation without Representation." The Americans insisted that their historic rights as Britons entitled them to a voice in setting tax policies, which Britain denied. The issue was not the tax itself or its size, but approval by elected representatives.

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The Democratic-Republican Party of Thomas Jefferson supported a weak central government and a more laissez-faire approach than that of Hamilton's rival party, the Federalists. They opposed Hamilton's plan to pay off the debts owed by the states for the expense of the American Revolution, because some of the debt was held by financiers and speculators (rather than the original holders) and because most of the debt was held by northern states. Hamilton passed his legislation and set up taxes to pay the debts (in exchange, he agreed to let Jefferson move the nation's capital to Washington, DC). Jefferson in particular strongly opposed having any national debt, although he relented when the opportunity came in 1803 of purchasing Louisiana.

James Madison, James Monroe, John Quincy Adams were elected by the Democratic-Republican Party, but after the fiscal disasters of the War of 1812, they came to support most of the Federalist position, realizing the nation needed a central bank and a steady income flow from tariffs.

In the mid-1800s, a new fiscal conservative political party emerged, the Republican Party. Unlike the modern fiscal conservatives, these fiscal conservatives were paleoconservative supporters of protectionism and tariffs, similar in some ways to today's Reform Party.

They were also generally supporters of big business and (internally) laissez-faire economics, although by 1890 they had been convinced into supporting Sherman Anti-Trust Act and the Interstate Commerce Commission following massive complaints.

In the early 1900s fiscal conservatives were often at odds with progressive President Theodore Roosevelt, particularly for his support of antitrust laws.

During the 1920s President Calvin Coolidge's pro-business economic policy were credited for the successful period of economic growth known as the "Roaring Twenties." After the great crash of 1929, however, Coolidge's policies and Hoover's took the blame. Coolidge not only lowered taxes but also reduced the national debt from World War I. His actions, however, may have been due more to a sense of federalism than fiscal conservatism: Robert Sobel notes that "[a]s Governor of Massachusetts, Coolidge supported wages and hours legislation, opposed child labor, imposed economic controls during World War I, favored safety measures in factories, and even worker representation on corporate boards. Did he support these measures while president? No, because in the 1920s, such matters were considered the responsibilities of state and local governments." [1]

During the 1930s Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal was opposed by many conservatives because it expanded the scope of the federal government, and regulated the economy. In general Roosevelt did not raise taxes above the high levels Hoover had set.

Roosevelt's Treasury Secretary, Henry Morgenthau, Jr. believed in balanced budgets, stable currency, reduction of the national debt, and the need for more private investment. Morgenthau accepted Roosevelt’s double budget as legitimate–that is a balanced regular budget, and an “emergency” budget for agencies, like the WPA, PWA and CCC, that would be temporary until full recovery was at hand. He fought against the veterans’ bonus until Congress finally overrode Roosevelt’s veto and gave out $2.2 billion in 1936. Morgenthau's most notable achievement was the new Social Security program; he managed to reverse the proposals to fund it from general revenue and insisted it be funded by new taxes on employees. Morgenthau insisted on excluding farm workers and domestic servants from Social Security because workers outside industry would not be paying their way.[1]

In World War Two there was broad agreement for heavy taxes, with conservatives insisting that the income tax base be broadened to include the great majority, rather than the 10% who before 1942 paid all income taxes.

After 1945 fiscal conservatism was most prevalent among some Democratic Senators from the South, especially Harry F. Byrd, his son Harry F. Byrd, Jr., and Walter F. George.[2][3]


Main article: Reaganomics

Fiscal Conservatism was rhetorically promoted during the presidency of Ronald Reagan (1981-1989). During his tenure, Reagan touted economic policies that became known as Reaganomics. Based on the theory of supply-side economics, Reagan cut income taxes, raised social security taxes, deregulated the economy, and instituted a tight monetary policy to stop inflation. Reagan favored reducing the size and scope of government (see limited government), proposing a balanced federal budget.

However, by the end of Reagan's second term the national debt held by the public ballooned from 26 percent of Gross Domestic Product in 1980 to 41 percent in 1989, the highest level since 1963. By 1988, the debt totaled $2.6 trillion, due in part to both increased military spending at the end of the Cold War and growth in the federal government. The country owed more to foreigners than it was owed, and the United States moved from being the world's largest international creditor to the world's largest debtor nation. [2]

The Clinton Administration created a fairly sizable budget surplus by the end of the 1990s. In 2000, George W. Bush ran for President on a platform of limiting the scope of government and cutting taxes, while still maintaining the surplus. However, during his time in office, President Bush has drastically increased federal spending while continuing to cut taxes. A growing number of Republicans have grown exasperated with the tremendous deficit growth that has taken place in recent years. Some have argued that Bush's apathy towards creating a balanced budget and his willingness to increase spending on Medicare and other social programs betray conservative principles. Democrats have criticized Bush for excessive spending also, though they tend to focus more on the Iraq War and other costly military expenditures, and on tax cuts that reduce federal revenues and increase the deficit.

  • Barber, William J. From New Era to New Deal: Herbert Hoover, the economists, and American economic policy. Cambridge University Press. (1985)
  • Beito, David. Taxpayers in revolt: Tax resistance during the Great Depression. University of North Carolina Press. (1989)
  • Brownlee, W. Elliot. Federal taxation in America: A short history. Cambridge University Press. 1996.
  • Kimmel, Lewis. Federal budget and fiscal policy, 1789-1958. Brookings Institution Press. 1959.
  • Left, Mark. 1983. Taxing the "forgotten man": The politics of Social Security finance in the New Deal. Journal of American History 70 (September): 359-81. online in JSTOR
  • Morgan, Iwan W. Deficit government: Taxing and spending in modern America. Ivan Dee. 1995.
  • Sargent, James E. "Roosevelt's Economy Act: Fiscal conservatism and the early New Deal." Congressional Studies 7 (winter 1980): 33-51.
  • Savage, James D. Balanced budgets & American politics. Cornell University Press. 1988.
  • Herbert Stein. Presidential Economics, 3rd Edition: The Making of Economic Policy From Roosevelt to Clinton (1994)
  • Julian E. Zelizer; "The Forgotten Legacy of the New Deal: Fiscal Conservatism and the Roosevelt Administration, 1933-1938." Presidential Studies Quarterly. 30#2. (2000). pp 331+. online

  1. ^ Zelizer 2000
  2. ^ Sindler, Allan P. (1969). "Changing Politics in the South". Polity 2 (2): 228-236. 
  3. ^ Jewell, Malcolm E. (1959). "Evaluating the Decline of Southern Internationalism Through Senatorial Roll Call Votes". Journal of Politics 21 (4): 624-646. 

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