Politics of Puerto Rico

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See List of political parties in Puerto Rico for detailed information about each party. See Elections in Puerto Rico for more information on election results and participation.

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Puerto Rico

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Puerto Rico, officially the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico (Spanish: "Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Rico"), still treated by the U.S. Congress as one of the last remaining colonies in the world,[1], is an archipelago located in the northeastern Caribbean, east of the Dominican Republic and west of the Virgin Islands, approximately 1,280 miles (2,000 km) off the coast of Florida (the nearest of the mainland United States).

Contents

In an unprecedented letter sent by the Governor of Puerto Rico to the U.S. Secretary of State to the Co-Chairs of the White House’s Presidential Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status, Governor Acevedo Vilá stated:

“My Administration’s position is very clear: if the Task Force and the Bush Administration stand by their 2005 conclusions, then for over 50 years the U.S Government has perpetuated a 'monumental hoax' on the people of Puerto Rico, on the people of the United States and on the international community. If the 2005 report articulates the new official position of the United States, the time has come now for the State Department to formally notify the United Nations of this new position and assume the international legal consequences. You cannot have a legal and constitutional interpretation for local, political purposes and a different one for the international community. If it is a serious, relevant document, the report must have international consequences. Alternatively, the Task Force may review and amend the 2005 conclusions to make them consistent with legal and historical precedent, and therefore allow future status developments based on a binding compact.”.[2]

On December 21, 2007, the Bush Administration's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status reiterated and confirmed that Puerto Rico continues to be a territory of the United States under the plenary powers of the U.S. Congress.[3] Thus, according to Gov. Acevedo Vila’s letter, the official Puerto Rico Executive Branch’s public policy with respect to the status of the country is: that “the U.S. Government has perpetuated a ‘monumental hoax’ on the people of Puerto Rico, on the people of the United States and on the International community”.[4]

Due to the results of the 2004 election, the Governor doesn't speak for the three-branch "government" of Puerto Rico, especially with respect to the political status issue. Senate President Kenneth McClintock countered Acevedo's letter to Rice with a letter of his own in which he stated the legislative majority's position that the U.S. did not perpetuate a hoax on the UN in 1953. In fact, the most recent President's Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status report clarified that the United States did not officially represent to the United Nations in 1953 that the Congress could not change Puerto Rico's status unilaterally [5].

Puerto Rico is an organized unincorporated U.S. territory which has been given internal self-governing powers which are referred to as "Commonwealth" status. (The Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands, located in the western Pacific Ocean, has a similar delegation of self-government powers by the United States.) What this means has never been absolutely clear; however, Puerto Rico has more latitude over its internal affairs than the U.S. territories of Guam, the U.S. Virgin Islands, or American Samoa.

Puerto Rico has approximately the same degree of authority over its internal affairs as an American state. The United States federal government controls interstate trade, foreign commerce, customs, aviation and navigation, immigration, currency, all military and naval matters, radio and television communications, mining and minerals, highways, the postal system, social security, and other areas generally controlled by the federal government in the United States. As in the case of a state, the United States Supreme Court also have the final say over the constitutionality of Puerto Rican laws. Puerto Rico's elected governor and legislature control all other delegated internal affairs.

The major differences between Puerto Rico and the states are:

  • Exemption from some aspects of the Internal Revenue Code (see "Tax and customs laws" section of this article).
  • Lack of voting representation in either house of the U.S. Congress — The only delegate to the Congress is an elected Resident Commissioner who represents the people of P.R. in the United States House of Representatives. The delegate may speak but cannot vote for final passage of congressional legislation, and may serve and vote in committees, as well as the Committee of the Whole.
  • The ineligibility of Puerto Rican residents to vote in presidential elections — P.R. does not have any electors in the U.S. Electoral College, although the Puerto Rico chapters of the Republican and Democratic parties can (and do) have state-like voting delegations to their respective nominating conventions, as well as voting representation in the Democratic and Republican National Committee.
  • Puerto Rico has international representation in sports and other international events as a nation. Also, many believe that Puerto Ricans are considered to be a nationality.

Although the Republican and Democratic party chapters in Puerto Rico have selected voting delegates to the national nominating conventions since the early 1900's, public interest in these processes heightened as a result of the efforts of a group of Democratic statehooders led by Franklin Delano López in 1976 to elect delegates supporting former Georgia Gov. Jimmy Carter to that year's Democratic National Convention. As a result of that effort, the Puerto Rico Legislature approved a law regulating presidential primaries in 1978, the first of which was held in 1980, with George H. W. Bush winning the Republican primary and President Carter beating Senator Edward Kennedy in a hard-fought Democratic primary.

In a 1978 internal reorganization primary, statehooders took control of the local Democratic party chapter, shared control on a 50-50 basis from 1984 to 1988 and lost control that year as a result of their defeat in an internal primary that year between PDP forces led by then Senate president Miguel Hernández Agosto and NPP forces led by former Gov. Carlos Romero Barceló. While the PDP Democratic faction controls the Democratic party chapter under the state chairmanship of former senator Roberto Prats, two of the five DNC members residing in Puerto Rico, Senate president Kenneth McClintock and Francisco Domenech are statehooders.

On the Republican side NPP-affiliated statehood Republicans control the GOP local chapter, headed by state chair and Aguadilla mayor Carlos Méndez, Republican National Committeeman and Resident Commissioner Luis Fortuño and Republican National Committeewoman Zoraida Fonalledas.

The 2008 Republican presidential primary is slated to be held in February, while Democrats hold their primary in June.

Several local politicians have expressed concern that Puerto Rico has become a "piggy bank" for presidential campaigns[6]. Recent examples include Vice President Dick Cheney's whirlwind two-hour visit to collect $300,000 in 2006 and Senator Barack Obama's somewhat longer three-hour trip in November, 2007 to collect a less impressive $200,000[7]. Both refused to meet with the news media, press the flesh or meet with local politicos, inconceivable in Iowa or New Hampshire.

Puerto Ricans have been statutory U.S. citizens since 1917 extended by a law called the Jones-Shafroth Act (or Jones Act) which can be modified at any time by the U.S. Congress (However, many argue that the citizenship of current U.S. citizens could not be revoked[citation needed], only the status of those born in Puerto Rico in the future), although that debate remains unsettled. They are free to live anywhere within the U.S. without a visa. Similarly, all mainland U.S. citizens have the right to reside to Puerto Rico without a visa.

U.S. Citizens residing in Puerto Rico are counted in the decennial population census and in some other demographic studies carried out by the U.S. Census Bureau, but are not included in the national totals since PR is not part of the US. They lose their right to vote in any U.S. legislative and executive election at the national level that (despite the fact that the U.S. Government Executive and Legislative Branches hold ultimate sovereignty over all U.S. Citizens and the territory of Puerto Rico). Both the Puerto Rican Independence Party and the New Progressive Party outright reject the status quo that permits disfranchisement. The remaining political organization, the Popular Democratic Party, is less active in its opposition of this case of disfranchisement but has officially stated that it favors fixing the remaining "deficits of democracy" that the Bill Clinton and George W. Bush Administrations have publicly recognized in writing through Presidential Task Force Reports.

On October 25, 2006, the Puerto Rico State Department conferred to Juan Mari Brás Puerto Rican citizenship. The Puerto Rico Supreme Court and the Puerto Rican Secretary of Justice determined that the Puerto Rican citizenship in fact existed and was recognised in the Puerto Rican constitution. This "citizenship" in opinion of both the local Secretary of Justice and the Puerto Rico's Department of State, it is like the citizenship of any state of the Union, meaning that it is only used domestically, not internationally.

For over one hundred years, a single issue has dominated Puerto Rican politics: its political status vis-à-vis the United States. A United States territory since 1898 known as a Commonwealth (the same name used by the states of Kentucky, Virginia, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts, as well as the Northern Mariana Islands) since 1952, Puerto Rico today is torn by profound ideological rifts, as represented by its political parties, which stand for the current relationship or the two distinct future political scenarios: the status quo (commonwealth), statehood, and independence. The Popular Democratic Party (PPD) seeks to maintain or improve the current status, the New Progressive Party (PNP) seeks to fully incorporate Puerto Rico as a U.S. state, and the Puerto Rican Independence Party (PIP) seeks national independence.

When asked to choose between independence, statehood, or continuation of the present status with enhanced powers, as proposed by the Popular Democratic Party, Puerto Ricans have voted to remain a commonwealth or, most recently, have voted for "none of the above". However, dissatisfaction with the current status is evident. The issue is still being debated and is on the agenda of all the political parties and civil society groups. Many pro-commonwealth leaders within the PPD are proposing an Associated Republic or Free Association similar to that of the Marshall Islands or Palau. The left wing of the PPD has achieved some success in driving the party to a less conservative and more nationalistic stance.

The Territories Clause of the United States Constitution (Art. IV, Sec. 3, cl. 2) allows for Congress to "dispose of" Puerto Rico and allow it to become independent of the U.S. (in the same way as the Philippines did in 1945) or, under the authority of the Admissions Clause (Art. IV, Sec. 3, cl. 1) for it to be admitted as a state of the United States (with a vote of Congress in the same way that Alaska was in 1958 and Hawaii was in 1959).

In 1967, the Legislative Assembly tested political interests of the Puerto Rican people by passing a local Plebiscite Act that allowed a vote on the status of Puerto Rico. This constituted the first plebiscite by the Legislature for a choice on three status options. Puerto Rican leaders had lobbied for such an opportunity repeatedly, in 1898, 1912, 1914, 1919, 1923, 1929, 1932, 1939, 1943, 1944, 1948, 1956, and 1960. Following the plebiscite, efforts in the 1970s to enact legislation to address the status issue died in Congressional committees. Subsequent locally-authorized plebiscites in 1993 (in which Congress played a more substantial role), and in 1998 upheld the status quo (Commonwealth status). No Congressionally-mandated plebiscite has ever been held and average voter turnout in the locally-enacted status votes has been lower than in general elections.[8]

Although Puerto Rico is an unincorporated territory of the United States classified as a Commonwealth, Puerto Ricans and people from other nations refer to Puerto Rico as a país, the Spanish word for country. Outside Puerto Rico there is typically a strong relation between the term "country" and the concept of "sovereign state", to the point of viewing them as synonymous. But in Puerto Rico that relation between the two concepts its not clear. In recent plebiscites Puerto Ricans has not expressed themselves in favor of a political status with the intention of transforming Puerto Rico in a sovereign state. So the colloquial usage of the word "country" in Puerto Rico cannot be viewed as a desire for sovereignty. Even when Puerto Ricans talk about "el pais", must of them are not necessarily thinking about the "political" meaning or implication of the word, and use it in a peculiar way due to our peculiar political history.

The United Nations has intervened in the past to evaluate the legitimacy of Puerto Rico's political status, to ensure that the island's government structure complies with the standards of self-government that constitute the basic tenets of the United Nations Charter, its covenants, and its principles of international law.

During its 8th session, the United Nations General Assembly recognized Puerto Rico's self government in November 27, 1953 with Resolution 748 (VIII). This resolution removed Puerto Rico’s classification as a non-self-governing territory (under article 73(e) of the Charter of the United Nations). The resolution garnered a favorable vote from some 40% of the General Assembly, with over 60% abstaining or voting against it (20 to 16, with 18 abstentions). This resolution has not been revoked by the UN even though the political status is still debated in many international forums.

For a territory to be deemed self-governing, the United Nations requires:

(a) Legislative representation. Representation without discrimination in the central legislative organs, on the same basis as other inhabitants and regions [within the governing nation].
(b) Participation of the population. Effective participation of population in the government of the territory
(2) Is this electoral system conducted without direct or indirect interference from a foreign government?
(c) Citizenship. Citizenship without discrimination on the same basis as other inhabitants

The General Assembly did not apply its list of criteria to Puerto Rico for determining whether or not self-governing status had been achieved.

The UN's Committee on Non-Self-Governing States recently unanimously agreed to ask the General Assembly to take up the issue of Puerto Rico. The Puerto Rico Senate in June, 2007 approved a Concurrent Resolution urging the UN General Assembly to discuss Puerto Rico's case.

In 2005, for the first time in history, the Legislature unanimously passed a measure demanding that the United States government begin a process leading to a choice among non-colonial non-territorial permanent status alternatives. After amendments required by Governor Acevedo Vilá as a precondition to support the measure were incorporated to the measure, it received the vote of all legislators from his party, as well as the pro-statehood and pro-independence parties. Going back on his word, the Governor subsequently vetoed the bill and no representative from his party was willing to join the House pro-statehood majority and the pro-independence representative in a veto override vote.

In December 2005 a report by the President’s Task Force on Puerto Rico’s Status asserted that the Constitution of the United States does not allow for a mechanism “to bind future Congresses to any particular arrangement for Puerto Rico as a Commonwealth” without an amendment to the Constitution. The report also stated that Puerto Rico’s current status “does not meet the criteria for any of the options for full self government.”

The U.S. House Committee on Resources concluded that Puerto Rico is still an unincorporated territory of the United States under the territorial clause, that the establishment of local self-government with the consent of the people can be unilaterally revoked by U.S. Congress, and that U.S. Congress can also withdraw at any time the American citizenship now enjoyed by the residents of Puerto Rico as long as it achieves a legitimate Federal purpose, in a manner reasonably related to that purpose.

On January 4, 2006 the governor of Puerto Rico, Anibal Acevedo Vilá, and the governing Popular Democratic Party challenged the task force report with a resolution that denounced the task force as a political fraud and threat to democracy, and called the report's conclusion a violation of the basic agreements held between the people of Puerto Rico and the United States since 1952[9][10]. The governor also outlined a compromise to challenge the task force report and proposed to validate the current status in all international forums including the United Nations. His resolution, however, rejected the current commonwealth status as a colonial or territorial status and replaced it with "an enhanced commonwealth status" option drafted by the PPD in 1998 and which included:

(a) Sovereignty

As part of the PDP's strategy, a bill supporting its position was introduced in the United States Senate by two senators who have traditionally been identified with Puerto Rico, Sens. Edward M. Kennedy (D-MA) and Bob Menendez (D-NJ) and two senators whose interest in all matters Puerto Rican was up to then unknown, Sens. Burr (R-NC) and Lott (R-MS). Since its introduction, the bill did not attract any other co-sponsors, in spite of heavy lobbying on the part of Puerto Rico's Executive Branch lobbyists. A bipartisan Senate bill supporting the implementation of the White House report recommendations was filed by Sens. Martinez (R-FL) and Salazar (D-CO).

On the other hand, Resident Commissioner Luis Fortuño (R-PR) and Rep. Jose E. Serrano (D-NY) filed a bipartisan House bill to implement the recommendations, which was cosponsored by over 60 Republicans and over 40 Democrats, significantly more cosponsors than the Young Bill which cleared the House in 1998. The House Committee on Resources called a hearing on the subject on April 27, 2006, signalling a greater degree of interest than previously anticipated.

At the beginning of the 110th Congress, Serrano and Fortuño refiled their bill as HR900, the Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2007. A first hearing was held by the Subcommittee on Insular Affairs in March 2007. A final hearing was held on April 25 to hear Gov. Aníbal Acevedo Vilá, Senate President Kenneth McClintock, Speaker José Aponte and the White House Report's co-author Kevin Marshall before the bill was brought to a full committee vote, according to Resources Committee chair Nick Rahall (D-WV).

On October 23, 2007, that Resources Committee unanimously approved a substitute bill of HR900, which establishes that before 2009, a first plebiscite will be held in which Puerto Ricans will be asked if they desire to maintain their territorial status, in a yes or no question. The bill states that should the No as the favored choice, either another plebiscite asking between statehood, independence or an associated republic, or a constitutional assembly would follow thereafter, by choice of the United States Federal Court of Puerto Rico. The bill is yet to be considered by the United States House of Representatives, waiting for enough votes to carry a debate. Several organizations in Puerto Rico, such as the Puerto Rico Lawyer's College, have pledged to lobby against it, in an effort to prevent the solution of the status issue.

The Government of Puerto Rico, established by the Constitution (ratified March 3, 1952; approved by the United States Congress on July 3, 1952; effective on July 25, 1952), is organized in separate executive, legislative, and judicial branches.

In 1950, the U.S. Congress afforded Puerto Ricans the right to organize a constitutional convention, contingent on the results of a referendum, where the electorate would determine if they wished to organize their own government pursuant to a constitution of their own choosing. Puerto Ricans expressed their support for this measure in a 1951 referendum, which gave voters a yes-or-no choice for the commonwealth status, defined as a ‘permanent association with a federal union’ and in which voters were not given the option to vote for statehood or independence. A second referendum was held to ratify the constitution, which was adopted in 1952.

Prior to approving the new constitution, the Constitutional Convention specified the name by which the body politic would be known. The convention on February 4 of 1952 approved resolution 22 which chose in English the word “Commonwealth”, meaning a “politically organized community” or “State”, which is simultaneously connected by a compact or treaty to another political system. Unable to translate the word into Spanish, the convention adopted a translation inspired by the Irish Free State called “Estado Libre Asociado” (ELA) to represent the compact between the people of Puerto Rico and the United States, which could be translated into English as “Associated Free State” or as "Free Associated State".

The executive branch is led by the Governor of Puerto Rico, who is the head of government and is popularly elected for a 4 year term.

Main office holders
Office Name Party Since
Governor Anibal Acevedo Vilá PDP 2 January 2005
v • d • e
Governors of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico
Luis Muñoz Marín • Roberto Sánchez Vilella • Luis A. Ferré • Rafael Hernández Colón
Carlos Romero Barceló • Pedro Rosselló González • Sila Calderón • Aníbal Acevedo Vilá

The legislative branch consists of a bicameral Legislative Assembly formed by a Senate and the House of Representatives, with 27 and 51 members respectively, elected every 4 years. Likewise, every 4 years Puerto Ricans elect one Resident Commissioner, a nonvoting representative of the U.S. House of Representatives who is allowed to serve in committees, and who primarily serves as a process observer for the Puerto Rican government. In a 2005 referendum, an overwheming majority in a scarcely attended referendum voted conceptually in favor of establishing a unicameral legislative system, not unlike Nebraska's. A measure to propose a constitutional amendment to that effect was approved by the required two thirds majority in the Senate but subsequently was defeated by a wide margin in the House of Representatives.

Puerto Rico has a territorial judiciary including a Supreme Court, Appellate Court, and a Court of First Instance composed of two sections: a Superior Court and a Municipal Court. (justices and judges for all these courts are appointed by the Governor with the advice and consent of the Senate).

The current Supreme Court is composed of Chief Justice Federico Hernández Denton, Associate Justices Francisco Rebollo, Jaime Fuster, Efraín Rivera Pérez, Anabelle Rodríguez and Liana Fiol. The vacancy created by the 2005 retirement of Associate Justice Baltasar Corrada has never been filled since Puerto Rico Senate President Kenneth McClintock made it clear that, in addition to being a distinguished jurist, Corrada's replacement would have to be a supporter of statehood for Puerto Rico. Governor Aníbal Acevedo Vilá is an opponent of statehood.

The legal system of Puerto Rico is based on the Spanish civil code, much similar to the State of Louisiana's, which is based on the French Civil Code. All Puerto Rican laws are available in Spanish and English, while local judicial opinions are issued in the Spanish language. Puerto Ricans, like the citizens of the several states, are also subject to federal laws and regulations that are drafted in English (codified in the United States Code and the Code of Federal Regulations), and are under the jurisdiction of the United States federal courts, which conduct their proceedings in English, although free translation to Spanish is available to non-English speaking defendants. Thus, Puerto Rican lawyers practicing in federal court must be fluent in English in order to effectively represent their clients, while members of the Puerto Rico Bar must be fluent in Spanish in order to adequately represent their clients in local courts.

A year after the United States invasion of the island, Dr. José Celso Barbosa embraced the idea of annexation as a U.S. state as a solution to the colonial situation and founded the Puerto Rican Republican Party in 1899.

Dr. Barbosa had been the leader in the Autonomist Party that favored a republican government for Spain. For much of the 19th Century, the principal parties favored Puerto Rico becoming one of the Spanish provinces in equal footing with the rest of the provinces; such a standing was given twice, under liberal governments, but it was revoked as many times when the monarchs regained their power. In this context, Dr. Barbosa returned to the original idea of equal footing, but this time with the constituent members of the American Republic.

During the last twenty years under the Spanish flag, the local parties, with the exception of the Partido Incondicional Español (Unconditional Spanish Party) embraced the idea of autonomy. The Incondicionales accepted whatever Spain had for Puerto Rico and the Crown duly recognized their support by giving aristocratic titles to the leaders.

The great leader of the Autonomist Party, of which Barbosa and Muños-Rivera were members, was Román Baldorioty de Castro, who followed closely the Canadian model developed by the British and supported a similar development for Puerto Rico under Spain. Before Baldorioty de Castro, other leaders had mentioned the possibility of autonomy, generally as an answer to the Spanish insistence in instituting special laws to govern the colonies.

At about the same time that the Republican Party of Puerto Rico was organized under the U.S., Luis Muñoz-Rivera organized the Federalist Party. Like the Republican Party it supported statehood for Puerto Rico.

Muñoz-Rivera had been the leader of the monarchist faction of the autonomists, not truly out of conviction but because Spain was a monarchy. Through this support he was able to get Sagasta, whose party was not in power in the early 1890's, to support an autonomous government for Puerto Rico.

At about this time, the U.S. was pressuring Spain to grant autonomy to Cuba, but the Spaniards dilly-dallied until a year before the Spanish-American War. Sagasta was then Prime Minister and he had made a compact with the Islanders to give them autonomy. Autonomy was granted, not through an act of the Cortes (the Legislative branch of Spain), but through an edict of the monarch.

Bickering between Muñoz-Rivera and Barbosa did not allow the autonomous government to be established immediately. Sagasta demanded that they put their differences aside and both, with their respective groups, became part of the first autonomous government of Puerto Rico immediately before the War.

The Republican Party won the elections in 1900 and again in 1902. The new government of Puerto Rico, organized under the [Foraker Act] of 1900, was a mixture of the British and the American system, somewhat similar to that established for the territory of Orleans after the Louisiana Purchase. The House of Delegates was elected directly by the voters (male, propertied) and the equivalent to the Senate was the Cabinet appointed by the Governor and by the President of the United States.

Muñoz-Rivera exiled himself to New York after the defeat, but returned once the Federalist Party was no longer useful and joined Rosendo Matienzo-Cintrón in organizing the Union Party. Also with them was José de Diego.

Matienzo Cintrón had been a Republican, supporting statehood. But two years into the new government, he realized that statehood would not be granted and the desired equality as citizens was not feasible under the United States. He brought with him other former Republicans and practically all of Muñoz-Rivera's Federalists into a party that was to bring about the union of all political groups.

He was remarkably successful. They won the elections of 1904 and all subsequent elections until the 20's, when another defection of Republicans allowed for the creation of yet another party bringing into it persons supporting a status change.

The Union, initially supported statehood or an autonomous government. The it included independence. In fact, Matienzo-Cintrón went from statehood advocate to autonomist to independence advocate as a result of eight years of American civil government in Puerto Rico.

The Union Party, from the very beginning, was against the colonial government established under the Foraker Act. Rosendo Matienzo Cintrón, Manuel Zeno Gandía, Luis Llorens Torres, Eugenio Benítez Castaño, and Pedro Franceschi started to organize the Independence Party in 1912 which paved the path for similar movements.

The Union Party quickly gained the attention of the colonial governors, all Republicans, who were willing to work closely with them because of their control of the House of Delegates. The local Republicans protested bitterly and, once took statehood out of the platform, not bringing it back until the early 20s.

Many in the Union Party leadership were lawyers who had contracts with the sugar operations recently bought and enlarged by the new American owners, thus establishing a close relationship between the nascent middle classes and the American corporate interests.

The Nationalist Party (NP) was founded in the year 1922. It strongly criticized the American colonial regime for its menace to the Spanish and Latin American roots of the Puerto Rican culture. It also advocated for complete independence. The NP began to grow with the leadership of Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos, who was later jailed as a subversive leader by the colonial regime. In an unauthorized march by the NP in the city of Ponce 18 nationalists were killed by the police, this would be known later as the Ponce Massacre.

Luis Muñoz Marín founded the Popular Democratic Party (PPD) in 1940. Their slogan was "Pan, Tierra y Libertad" (Bread, Land and Liberty). The party favored independence for the country in its initial stages but social and economic reform were priorities in their political agenda.

The Puerto Rican Independence Party was formed six years later by dissidents who saw the PPD moving away from the ideal of independence. During that period, the colonial regime appointed the first Puerto Rican governor, Jesús T. Piñero, until 1948 when the people elected Luis Muñoz Marín, the first elected governor.

The years or 1944-1948 were crucial ones in the direction of the country. Luis Muñoz Marín shifted his goals from independence to state-like autonomy to accommodate better economic circumstances. This led to the U.S. congress to enact the Law 600 of 1950 which led to the Congressional approval of a local constitution drafted by a Constituent Assembly elected by Puerto Rico and the renaming of the United States unincorporated territory of Puerto Rico as the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, using the same official name as the commonwealths of Kentucky, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania and Virginia. The alternative pro-independence Tydings bill had languished in congress.

In the 1950s, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party denounced the Constitution and Muñoz Marín support as a sham, and attacked the Governor's mansion (La Fortaleza) in 1950, the Blair House, and the United States House of Representatives in 1954. Twenty-three people were killed and more than 50 were injured.

Governor Muñoz Marín inaugurated the new status called Estado Libre Asociado —or Free Associated State in English— and raised the Puerto Rican flag along with the national anthem of Puerto Rico for the first time on July 25, 1952 — date in which Puerto Ricans celebrate the Constitution of Puerto Rico (see also: Holidays in Puerto Rico).

The New Progressive Party (NPP) was founded in 1968 by Luis A. Ferré, that same year the PNP won the elections. The party saw the ideology of annexation to the U.S. as a civil rights issue. The creation of the New Progressive Party polarized the political arena to a great degree as radical independence groups were formed in the 1970s and the Puerto Rican Socialist Party (PSP), a Marxist and Cuban friendly party, was created. Two of the radical groups were labeled as terrorist groups by the U.S. government, Los Macheteros and the Armed Forces of National Liberation (FALN). These groups were viewed by many pro-independence followers as freedom fighters.

In 1972 the NPP lost to the Popular Democratic Party (PDP). Rafael Hernández Colón became the undisputed leader of the PPD at age 36. He was, as the fourth elected governor, in favor of adding more powers to the commonwealth status. One of his projects was the Puerto Rican owned marine transportation. In order to control the costs of the marine transport in Puerto Rico, the marine company Sea Land was bought to form Navieras of Puerto Rico in 1974.

The fifth governor was Carlos Romero Barcelo, a fierce supporter of the pro-U.S. annexation ideology. He was beloved by the NPP and strongly disliked by the opposition. Under his administration, section 936 of the U.S. Internal Revenue Tax Code was implemented as an economic incentive. This allowed American companies to create profit in the island without paying taxes. His administration was shadowed by the Maravilla Hill affair, where two independence activists were killed by undercover police agents. This created a Watergate-like scandal that was later investigated by the Senate.

In 1980, Romero Barcelo remained as Governor by a controversial 0.2% margin, but lost the Senate and House of Representatives to the PDP. Independence radical groups placed bombs on 11 jet fighters in 1981 in the U.S. base Muñiz. Rafael Hernández Colón became the head of government for the second time in 1984 and stayed in power until 1992.

Pedro Rosselló became the sixth Governor in 1992. He pushed the political status dilemma in Washington, D.C. and sponsored two referendums, but these were non-binding. While he was elected to a second term, his last four years were met with mounting allegations of corruption. A former Speaker of the House, Edison Misla Aldarondo (NPP) was jailed as well as many members of Rosello's party. Most of the corruption allegations were based on extortion and appropiation of public funds. This led his party to losing the 2000 election and the Governorship when he ran again in 2004.

In 2000 Sila María Calderón (PDP) was elected becoming the first female governor of Puerto Rico, also gaining control of the Senate, presided by Antonio Fas Alzamora and the House of Representatives, headed by Speaker Carlos Vizcarrondo. The PDP also elected Aníbal Acevedo Vilá as the islands' non-voting delegate in Congress.

In 2004 Anibal Acevedo Vila (PDP) was elected governor by 3,000 votes, his party lost control of the Senate, which elected NPP senator Kenneth McClintock as its president, the House of Representatives, which chose José Aponte as Speaker, and Puerto Rico's seat in Congress due to the election of Luis Fortuño.

Under Commonwealth laws, residents of the island do not pay federal income taxes on Puerto Rico source income, although they do pay on US source income, as well as federal salaries. However, all commerce is taxed by the U.S. Federal Government before import or export. Puerto Ricans who work for the Federal government or that gained income from transactions in a State (such as stock dividends trade in the NYSE), pay federal income taxes.

Island residents pay all Social Security taxes and federal payroll, registration, communication, and taxes other than the income tax. However, Puerto Rico is excluded from the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) in spite of its contribution, and in general receives less money in return for its contribution. For example, in the Medicaid program, Puerto Rico receives less than 15% of the funding it would be allotted as a state. For Medicare, Puerto Rico pays fully but only receives partial benefits.

Puerto Rico may not conclude treaties with other sovereign states, although it does belong to some international bodies such as:

Puerto Rico hosts consular staff from 42 countries. Most consulates are located in the vicinity of the San Juan, the capital of Puerto Rico.

Countries Region Form of government References
Flag of Austria Austria Europe Republic [11]
Flag of Belize Belize Central America Republic [11]
Flag of Belgium Belgium Europe Monarchy [11]
Flag of Bolivia Bolivia South America Republic [11]
Flag of Canada Canada North America Monarchy [12]
Flag of Chile Chile South America Republic [13]
Flag of Colombia Colombia South America Republic [14]
Flag of Costa Rica Costa Rica South America Republic [15]
Flag of the Czech Republic Czech Republic Europe Republic [16]
Flag of Denmark Denmark Europe Monarchy [11]
Flag of the Dominican Republic Dominican Republic Caribbean Republic [17]
Flag of Ecuador Ecuador South America Republic [11]
Flag of El Salvador El Salvador Central America Republic
Flag of Finland Finland Europe Republic
Flag of France France Europe Republic [18]
Flag of Georgia (country) Georgia Europe Republic [11]
Flag of Guatemala Guatemala South America Republic [11]
Flag of Germany Germany Europe Republic
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Main article: Navy-Vieques protests

On April 19, 1999 two United States Marine Corps jets in training exercises from the since-closed Roosevelt Roads Naval Base dropped bombs over the military range at the U.S. base on the island of Vieques, missing their targets. David Sanes, a civilian working as security guard, was killed. Later in the month protestors began occupying the U.S. Navy range at Vieques and civil disobedience became a widespread movement inside the U.S. base. Gov. Pedro Rosselló denounced the Sanes incident, and supported the end of the military exercises. 100,000 people marched in the March for the Peace in Vieques, in the spring of 2000, in San Juan to demand the end of the military exercises and the use of the base for military purposes.

Sila María Calderón became the seventh head of government in 2001 and the first female governor. She supported the exit of the U.S. Navy and permitted the continuation of the civil disobedience camps inside the bombing range while the press reported wide ecological damage to the environment of the island, and presented studies that showed higher cancer rates in residents of Vieques, as compared to the main island.

Later that year the U.S. government suspended military exercises in Vieques and in May of 2003 closed the base. The land is expected to return back to the Vieques municipality. More than 1,500 people were arrested for civil disobedience, including leaders of the three political parties and members of the Catholic Church, from 1999 to 2003. On July 25, 2003, Governor Calderón announced her support for a new process outside the political parties that would deal with the status dilemma in 2004.

See List of political parties in Puerto Rico for detailed information about each party. See Elections in Puerto Rico for more information on election results and participation.

  1. ^ Trias Monge, Jose; Puerto Rico: Trials of the Oldest Colony in the World; Yale University Press; ISBN: 0300071108.
  2. ^ Governor Aníbal Acevedo Vilá’s letter to U.S. President George W. Bush’s President’s Task Force on Puerto Rico's Status (formally addressed to the Co-Chairs of the Bush Administration’s Task Force); October 23, 2007
  3. ^ U.S. hardens position on Puerto Rico ("EE.UU. endurece posición sobre Puerto Rico"); Jesús Dávila - El Diario La Prensa; December 22, 2007
  4. ^ Official Puerto Rico Government Press Release: “Gobernador asiste a reunión con Equipo de Trabajo Presidencial sobre el status político de la Isla; advierte repercusiones internacionales por no reconocer el ELA.”
  5. ^ op. cit., page 6
  6. ^ [http://www.elnuevodia.com/diario/noticia/politica/noticias/obama_ignoro_consejo/310007 ].
  7. ^ [1].
  8. ^ For the complete statistics regarding these plebiscites please refer to Elections in Puerto Rico:Results.
  9. ^ Current News about Puerto Rico's political status.
  10. ^ (Spanish) PPD Party Resolution #2006-02.
  11. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Consules honorarios en Puerto Rico. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  12. ^ United States of America - Puerto Rico, Consulate of Canada.
  13. ^ Consulado general de Chile en Nueva York. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  14. ^ Ministerio de relaciones exteriores. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  15. ^ Lista de consulados. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  16. ^ Honorary Consulates of the Czech Republic in the United States. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  17. ^ Dominican Republic embassy and consulates. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  18. ^ Honorary Consuls of the East Coast. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  19. ^ Consulado General de México en San Juan. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  20. ^ Consulate General of the Republic of Poland in New York: Missions in the USA. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  21. ^ Consular Services. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  22. ^ Consulat San Juan. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  23. ^ Directory of Thai Representative Offices in USA. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  24. ^ UK Embassies Overseas Foreign & Commonwealth Office. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  25. ^ Consulate General of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in Puerto Rico/ United States of America. Retrieved on 2007-05-06.
  1. Central Intelligence Agency (USA). The World Factbook (2003). United States of America.

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