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The end of XIX century is characterized by Marxism gaining an upper hand over other theories in revolutionary movements. Among other theories, we can name anarchism, which dates back to Proudhon (remember the work of Marx "The Misery of Philosophy"), and Blanquism. In Russia, for instance, Marxism appeared in struggle against "Narodniks", i.e. revolutionary and democratic movement of peasants. The first generation of Russian Marxists - G. Plekhanov, V. Lenin - appeared in struggle with "Narodniks".

It is important to notice that at the beginning of XX century there was a revolutionary theory, for at the beginning of XXI century there is no theory which would be an equivalent of Marxism. The axiom of Marxism of XIX century about the revolutionary role of proletariat is undermined by development of automation, which makes the unskilled and semi-skilled workers "redundant". We have passed the stage when proletariat was revolutionary class, just like we've passed the stage of revolutionary peasantry.

The first congress of the Second International took place in Paris, from 14 to 20 July, 1889. It was dedicated to 100 years' anniversary of the French revolution (on July 14, 1789 the Bastille was taken). This congress was marked by struggle of Marxists with anarchists, but at the following congresses the anarchist delegates were thrown out (e.g. at the Zurich congress in 1893). Here we notice a law-like tendency: each new International should first of all separate itself from those, responsible for the demise of the previous International. Thus, the Second International splits with anarchists; the 3-rd International splits with social-democrats; the 4-th International is organized in opposition to Stalinists. How should we define those, who are responsible for the demise of the 4th-International? Their name is "trotskyists", and to be more precise, "trotskyists" of the Imperialist countries, such as the USA.

Joseph Schumpter makes an interesting remark about the structure of the International (back translation from Russian translation):

"There was a bureau of the International, there were congresses with debates on the most important problems of theory and tactics, but if one is to judge from concrete results, the meaning of the Second International was close to zero. This organization was not meant for any concrete actions; any action, either revolutionary or reformist, was at the time possible on country level, not international. The aims of the Second International were to create connections between parties and various groups, to develop a uniform point of view, to develop harmonious plans of action, to reprimand the irresponsible and to hasten the slackers, to create, as much as possible, an international socialist public opinion"

The structure of Second International we would characterize as a loose gathering of socialists. Shumpeter writes: "For them the business was to put their signature under 39 points of a common declaration, reserving to themselves a complete freedom of its interpretation". However, this was not how the participants of the International saw the matter. Lenin, at the time of the Stuttgart Congress (1907) wrote: "formally the decisions of international congresses are not binding on any one nation, but their moral import is such that disregard for decisions is in reality an exception". The war of 1914 proved finally that this was an illusion.

Imperialism was the main problem before the II International. Imperialism the cause for the collapse of the II International through its influence on the socialist leaders and their parties. First, this was expressed in opportunism, such as taking up government posts in bourgeois governments (the first such case was that with a member of the French Socialist Party Millieran). Also, imperialism has led to centrism, i.e. peaceful coexistence of Marxists with opportunists. One prominent example of this was the position of K. Kautsky on the problem of socialists entering bourgeois governments; at the 1900 International Socialist Congress in Paris Kautsky proposed a resolution: "participation of socialists in governments is a matter of tactics, not of principle". In theory, we notice revisionism of Marxism (first and foremost coming from E. Bernstein), which meant giving up on revolution, and taking the road of cooperation with own national bourgeoisie.

Statistics show that around this time differential wages appeared for workers in different countries. Igor Krivoguz writes: "In England a worker was getting 1.12 dollars per day, in Japan - 0.78 dollars, but in India only 16 cents". That's why, in reporting on the International Socialist Congress in Stuttgart in 1907, Lenin wrote that "colonial policy has led to the situation whereby European proletariat is partially in a position when the society is supported not by his labor, but by labor of almost enslaved colonial natives". Lenin notes that in Stuttgart a commission of the International, headed by Van Cole, from Netherlands, did not condemn "colonial policy" as such, but spoke about a "socialist colonial policy".

In 1915 Lenin analyzed the reasons for collapse of the Second International. By the "collapse" he understands betrayal of the majority of the social-democratic parties of their principles, solemnly declared at the Stuttgart (1907) and Bazel (1912) international congresses. And Lenin explains: "Economic basis of opportunism and social-chauvinism are the same: interests of a paltry layer of privileged workers and petty bourgeoisie for their privileged position, their 'right' for crumbs of profits, obtained by 'their' national bourgeoisie from robbery of foreign nations, from advantages of being 'a great nation'."

• The Second International, including history of German Social-Democratic Party by Fractal-vortex
• The Second International, at Marxists.org
• History of the Second International (in French and English)

Germany:

• August Bebel
• Hugo Haase
• Karl Kautsky
• Karl Liebknecht
• Wilhelm Liebknecht
• Rosa Luxemburg
• Clara Zetkin

France:

• Jean Allemane
• Jules Guesde
• Jean Jaurès
• Gustave Hervé
• Édouard Vaillant

Russia:

• Vladimir Lenin
• Georgi Plekhanov
• Pavel Axelrod

Austria:

• Victor Adler
• Karl Renner

The Netherlands:

• Anton Pannekoek
• Pieter Jelles Troelstra

Belgium:

• Camille Huysmans
• Emile Vandervelde

Switzerland:

• Robert Grimm

• International Working Union of Socialist Parties ("Second and a half international"/"Two-and-a-half International")
• Third International (Comintern)
• Fourth International and Trotskyist internationals
• Section Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière (SFIO, the French section of the Second International)