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Shih Ming-te or Shih Ming-teh (traditional Chinese: 施明德; pinyin: Shī Míngdé, a.k.a. Nori; born January 15, 1941 in Kaohsiung) was a political prisoner for 25-and-a-half years in the Republic of China (Taiwan).

He was arrested at the age of 21 in 1962 and charged with creating the "Taiwan Independence League" (a study group) with the intention of overthrowing the Kuomintang government, Shih was sentenced to life imprisonment. The sentence was commuted to 15 years in 1975, and Shih was released on June 16, 1977.

He promptly joined the Tangwai (literally meaning “outside the party”, because the Kuomintang was the only legally existing political party in Taiwan at that time), became a reporter for the Liberty Times and married the American researcher Linda Arrigo. After playing a part in organizing the December 10, 1979 pro-democracy rally subsequently known as the Kaohsiung Incident, the Formosa Incident or Meilitao Incident, an arrest warrant was issued charging Shih with treason, and following 26 days on the run he was again arrested and sentenced to life in prison. In 1984, while he was incarcerated, Polish politician and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Lech Walesa nominated him for Peace Prize.

On July 1987, Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and offered an amnesty to Shih, but he refused to accept. On May 20, 1990 he was finally released. In total, he spent 25 years in prison, 13 years in solitary confinement and over 4 years on hunger strike.

In 1994, he is elected leader of the legalized opposition Democratic Progressive Party. He was also elected legislator in three occasions. Shih’s proposal of a political “Grand Reconciliation” in Taiwan earned him strong rejection from within the Democratic Progressive Party, to which he resigned on 14 November, 2000.

In 2006, Shih carried out a massive protest, known as Million Voices against Corruption, President Chen Must Go, in an effort to force the embattled president Chen Shui-bian to resign. He led an around the clock sit-in in front of the Presidential Building and Taipei Railway Station in Taipei City, pledging to remain there until such time as President Chen resigned, or the reached the end of his term in March 2008. On December 5, 2006, he left Taipei Railway Station pledging to continue the protest alone in "self-reclusion" at an apartment nearby. As of April 2007, this protest has ended.

Shih was one of the most prominent personalities of the Tangwai movement and greatly contributed to Taiwan’s democratization. He had been referred to by some as “Taiwan’s Mandela”.

Contents 1 Life 1.1 Early years 1.2 First imprisonment 1.3 Meilitao (Kaohsiung, Formosa) Incident 1.4 Second imprisonment and hunger strike 1.5 Release 2 Million Voices Against Corruption, Chen Must Go Campaign 2.1 Chronology 3 Controversy 4 Works 5 References 6 Further reading 7 See also

Shih Ming-te’s father Shih Kuo-tsui was a well-known physician of Chinese medicine. In February 1947, he witnessed the events in front of Kaohsiung Train Station that would later be known as the 228 Incident. The students of three high and vocational schools were killed by Kuomintang’s troops’ bullets in front of the eyes of a six year-old Shih Ming-te. In 1954 he entered Kaohsiung Junior High-School; in 1957 he entered Kaohsiung’s Chung-cheng Senior High. In 1959 he volunteered for the army, passing the admission exams for artillery school. On occasions he acknowledged wishing to overthrow the Kuomintang regime by force, through an armed coup d’état.^[1]

In 1962 he was arrested for alleged involvement in the "Taiwan Independence League", over 30 more “accomplices”, mostly army officer school and university students, were also arrested. Shih’s two brothers, poet and painter Shih Ming-cheng and medical school student Shih Ming-hsiung were among them.^[2]

In 1964 Shih Ming-te is sentenced to life imprisonment for orchestrating the independence movement, he was also stripped-off his civil rights for life. Shih was severely injured during interrogation, he lost all his teeth and his spine was damaged, consequently, he has been using dental prosthetics and suffering from back pain since he was 22.

The Kuomintang considered Shih as highly dangerous and therefore prevented him from doing any forced labor that would put him in contact with the world outside prison. This gave him enough time to do research and study. Shih focused on philosophy, history, international law, linguistics and Japanese. He also developed a strong and resolute personality in prison.

In the 1970s, Taiwan suffered several blows to its international status: first, its seat at the United Nations was taken over by the People’s Republic of China, then the United States established official ties with Beijing, severing those with Taipei. For fear of a communist take-over of Taiwan, a rebellion in the Taiyuan prison, where most of the inmates were political prisoners, was planned. Access to the Taitung radio station and a publicly broadcasted declaration of Taiwan’s independence from communist China was one of their goals. Almost all pro-independence prisoners took part in the plot. On February 8, 1970 five prisoners killed a guard and tried to take his gun. Ultimately the five inmates broke from prison, only to be caught promptly. The rebellion had failed, on May 30 the 5 men were executed. This was the only recorded armed rebellion seeking the independence of Taiwan after World War II.^[3]

The Kuomintang believed Shih was one of the masterminds of the rebellion, therefore kept him in isolation during his time in Taiyuan. To this date, the investigation documents are still kept confidential and the implication of Shih is disputed by Shih himself, who sued Lin Shu-chi for defamation.

In 1974, after 12 years of imprisonment, Shih’s first wife Chen Li-chu asked for divorce: she had an affair with one of Shih’s friends. This was a serious emotional blow for the prisoner. In 1975 Chiang Kai-shek dies: a nationwide sentence-reduction policy is carried out. In June 16, 1977, Shih is released after sitting 15 years in jail.

During the Chiang’s iron-fist regime, a stern military authoritarian rule was imposed on Taiwan: there was no freedom of association, so no political parties could be established; there was no freedom of speech, let alone human rights. Shih Ming-te, knowing the risks of being recaptured and sentenced to prison, fully devotes himself to the cause of creating a “party without a name” amidst the absence of freedom of association in Taiwan at that time. On September 1978 Shih becomes the convener of the Tangwai or non-Kuomintang candidates. On may 1979 this group of non-Kuomintang activists established the Meilitao Magazine, Shih is named general manager. On December 10, 1979, this Tangwai group commemorates Human Rights Day in Kaohsiung. The rally is interrupted by police forces, which clash with the Shih Ming-te led protestors. The event will be known as the Meilitao Incident, a milestone in Taiwan’s democratization process.^[4]

Three days later, Shih dramatically escapes: Chang Wen-ying (then a dentist and later Mayor of Taichung City) performs plastic surgery on Shih to avoid positive identification, but after 26 days of persecution and high-profile reporting by local media, Shih is finally arrested and later sentenced to life in prison for the second time.

During the 1980 Meilitao Incident trials Shih is defiant and proud facing a potentially fatal Court Martial decision. He declares during his defense: “Taiwan should be independent, in fact, it already is, it has been for 30 years and currently it is known as Republic of China”. Shih also demands an end to the political monopoly by the Kuomintang, the press control in Taiwan and the martial law, so that the 30-plus-year legislative session can be dissolved. He believed these were the 4 main evils in Taiwan’s democratization process.

• 1983, Chen Wen-cheng is murdered^[5]; Shih Ming-te begins a 1-month huger strike to protest what he believed was an assassination ordered by the state.

• 1984, Polish union leader Lech Walesa (Nobel Peace 1983) nominates Shih Ming-te for the 1984 Nobel Peace Prize. In October 15, President Chiang Ching-kuo orders the assassination of dissident writer Chiang Nan, who resided in the United States.^[6]

• 1985, Shih commences an indefinite hunger strike. His demands: end to martial law and state-sponsored political murders, implementation of a democratic system and release of all Meilitao Incident political prisoners. Shih is sent to the Tri-Service General Hospital and underwent force-feeding through a nasogastric tube 3040 times during a period of 4 years and a half.^[7]

• July 15, 1987, a 38-year-long Martial Law is ended by the Taiwan government. President Chiang Ching-kuo announces nationwide sentence reductions and conditional releases. Shih chooses to maintain his innocence and dignity instead of having his sentence commuted.

• 1988, Shih Ming-te is still on hunger strike. In August 22nd, brother Shih Ming-cheng, is also carrying out a hunger strike in his home as a token of support for his imprisoned brother. After 4 months Ming-cheng dies of heart failure: he was severely malnourished.

• May 20, 1990, Lee Teng-hui officially assumes presidency. He orders a special amnesty for all Meilitao Incident prisoners. Shih destroys his amnesty and demands his unconditional release. When President Lee announces the invalidation of the Meilitao Trials, Shih Ming-te finally accepts his release as an innocent person. Upon recovering his freedom, he joins the now legally existing Democratic Progressive Party, which originated in the Tangwai movement.^[8]

• 1992, Shih is elected legislator for the Tainan County constituency.

• Between 1994 and 1996 Shih is elected president of the Democratic Progressive Party ^[9], during his tenure, he claimed that “Taiwan is already an independent and sovereign nation, when the Democratic Progressive Party is in power, there is no need and it will not announce Taiwan’s independence”. At the same time Shih proposed a political and social Grand Reconciliation. Elected legislator for a new term in 1996, he ran for the presidency of the Legislative Yuan, gaining a vote from former archrival New Party but losing one from the Democratic Progressive Party. Liu Song-fan was elected President of the Legislative Yuan.

• March 1996, Taiwan’s first direct presidential election is held. The Democratic Progressive Party’s candidate is defeated by incumbent Lee Teng-hui. Shih Ming-te resigns to his position as party chief, Chang Chun-hsiung assumes as acting leader of the opposition party. Shih shifts his attention to the completion of the “Meilitao Oral History Records”.

• April 1, 1997, Shih is indicted for a violation to the Mass Gathering and Demonstration Act. He had organized in 1992 a protest demanding direct presidential elections. Huang Hsin-chie, Hsu Hsin-liang and Lin Yi-hsiung go to prison with Shih for 50 days. This is the third time Shih is imprisoned, but now as a legislator. He is released after 41 days.

• 1998, Shih is re-elected legislator but this time representing a Taipei City constituency. He will continue his efforts for the completion of the “Meilitao Oral History Records”. In three years, 200 individuals of the political spectrum. The oral testimonies amount to over 6 million words, and are edited to a 6 hundred thousand written 4 volume version. To date, this is the most comprehensive historical research of the 1970-1990 era in Taiwan’s development, earning it a publishing prize. This was the result of Shih’s individual efforts, using his own financial and personal resources. Neither the Democratic Progressive Party nor the government of Taiwan have helped complete this overwhelming historic research project.

• 2000, Chen Shui-bian is elected president. Shih congratulates the leader of the Democratic Progressive Party Lin Yi-hsiung for the triumph. He said in the telephone conversation that since his childhood dream of ousting the Chiang’s Kuomintang regime had been accomplished, he would leave the political party. Lin tried to talk him out of his plans. Days later, Chen Shui-bian tried to persuade Shih to stay, and offered him, in a private meeting, a chance to run for the next leadership of the party, to run for the presidency of the Legislative Yuan and the helm of the Straits Exchange Foundation (a semi-official organization that acted as a proxy between Taipei and Beijing). Shih rejected all of Chen’s proposals. On May, Chen Shui-bian, before he assumed the presidency, visited Shih’s office to personally ask him if he was willing to be appointed senior political advisor. Shih rejected Chen’s offer once more, but instead proposed Hsu Hsin-liang for the position.

• After the peaceful transition of political power, Shih condemned President Chen for leading the country with a minority government, ignoring the opposition majority in the Legislative Yuan and risking political stability. After President Chen rejected his proposal for an alliance with the opposition majority in the Legislative Yuan, Shih further walked away from the party. Believing that Taiwan’s greatest challenge in the XXI Century was globalization, together with former colleages Hsu Hsin-liang and Sisy Chen, famous entrepreneur Wen Shih-ren and a dozen others intellectuals and entrepreneurs, founded the "Shan (Mountain) Alliance". Their goal: to draw a roadmap for Taiwan in the XXI Century.

• Shih ran as an independent twice, on December 2001 and December 2004. On the first occasion he lost with 24,925 votes, on the second he narrowly lost the race by receiving 26,974 votes in the highly contested Taipei North Constituency. He had proposed a parliamentary political system to overcome the aggravation of political differences in Taiwan’s society.

• 2002, Shih ran as Mayor for Kaohsiung City. His platform: turn the port-city into a free port, much like Hong Kong or Amsterdam, to cope with the challenge of globalization. Direct maritime links with Chinese ports was also part of the proposal. Shih perceived that the political divide was so severe that he decided to announce his withdrawal three days before the election.

• September 2003, Shih Ming-te is visiting scholar at George Mason University for a one-year period. During his tenure, Shih researched what he called the “One China: European Union Model” as a means of ending the impasse between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait, and reiterates his proposal for a constitutional amendment in favor of a parliamentary system, in an attempt to put an end to the political polarization into the two camps (blue or Kuomintang-based and green or Democratic Progressive Party-centered) which was deteriorating into ethnic rivalry (between the “waishengren” or mainland Chinese who migrated to Taiwan around 1949 and their offspring and the native “benshengren”)

• October 6, 2005, the Department of Political Science at National Taiwan University opens the “Shih Ming-te Lecture”series; ethnic harmony, political reconciliation and cross-Strait peace are its core values.

• May, 2006, “Shih Ming-te Lecture” invites Mr. Frederik Willem de Klerk, Former President of South Africa, to a dialog with Shih Ming-te: “Maintaining Peace: South Africa's Experience, a Perspective for Taiwan?” is the topic.

• August 9, 2006, Shih Ming-te writes an open letter to President Chen Shui-bian, whose aides, wife and son-in-law are implicated in several corruption cases. Shih urges Chen to resign as a display of strength in times of crisis, respect for public opinion and acknowledgement of wrongdoing.^[10]

• August 12, 2006, Shih Ming-te gives a keynote speech to kick-start the “Million Voices Against Corruption-Chen Must Go” campaign in the 228 Incident Memorial Park. He argued that the people could not bear with so much corruption anymore. Shih asks all those who support the movement a NT$ 100 (US$ 3, €2.3) donation as a symbol of commitment and consent, as well as a display of determination to ask Chen Shui-bian to leave the Presidential Office. Shih vowed to lead the people in a protest until Chen Shui-bian steps down if the donations came in.^[11]

• August 22, 2006, In seven working days, a sum equivalent of that from over 1 million people had been received (the actual number of donators cannot be computed because there was no restriction on the maximum amount of money one could transfer to the designated account). The designated account was quickly closed and the preparations for the marathon protest started.^[12]

• September 1, 2006, the anti-corruption campaign organizers start training for the sit-ins (emergency procedures in case of police intervention).^[13]

• September 9, 2006, the sit-in begins on a rainy day. According to the Chinapost, over 3 hundred thousand people gathered that day on Ketagalan Avenue, in front of the Presidential Building in Taipei under the pouring rain. The Taipei Police Department claims there were only 1 hundred thousand protestors. According to the organizers’ request, most of them were wearing red shirts, no controversial flags or political icons should be displayed, not even the Republic of China flag, perceived as a pro-Kuomintang device. Some protestors still brought along a small Republic of China flag or campaign items with them.^[14]

• September 15, 2006, a Democratic Progressive Party Taipei city counselor had booked the Ketagalan Avenue site where the red-clad protestors were still gathered. Shih Ming-te decides to move the protest to Taipei Railway Station. A climax is reached the night of the procession: a large perimeter of over 5.5 kilometers around the heavily guarded Presidential Building and Residence at the heart of Taipei was quickly flooded by peaceful red-clad protestors: the Chinapost reported that over 8 hundred thousand people had joined the candle light encirclement; the Taipei Police again contradict this with an estimate of 3 hundred thousand. ^[15]

• September 22, 2006, Shih Ming-te declares that he will not form his own political party nor participate in any political negotiations, he also made it clear that he was not willing to engage in negotiations with former president Lee Teng-hui; instead he will stay with the red-clad anti-Chen protestors.

• November 20, 2006, Shih Ming-te urges Taipei City Mayor Ma Ying-jeou (the Kuomintang’s 2008 presidential hopeful) to resign amidst accusations of corruption. Shih says he was not contemplating anti-corruption protests against Ma, but insists there should not be double standards regarding corruption allegations.

• November 30, 2006, last night of protest by the Million Voices Against Corruption, Chen Must Go Campaign. Shih Ming-te later travels to Thailand for a TV interview and panel discussion.

• December 7, 2006 the Special State Funds case of President Chen and his wife is underway, campaign organizers claim that Taiwan needs to go back to normal, but Shih will keep to his word and continue the protest until Chen steps down. He begins a self-imprisonment in the former campaign headquarters in Taipei.^[16]

• April 1, 2007, Shih Ming-te announces the end to his self-imprisonment and starts preparations for the second stage of the anti-Chen campaign. Plans involve presenting candidates for the next legislative elections. Originally schedduled for late 2007, the elections will instead be carried out in early 2008.

• Shih is often considered a “romantic revolutionary” in Taiwan media. He believes that his “romanticism” is rooted in his ability to “to pursue unlimited aspirations and ideals with very limited resources or under restrictive conditions”.^[17]

• The last edition of Taiwan’s High-School textbooks lists Shih Ming-te as one of the pivotal figures of Taiwan’s post-World War II opposition movement.

• Shih’s former Legislative Yuan secretary, cartoonist and writer Yu-fu thinks Shih “is never quite sure of his own place in history”

Shih Ming-te reiterates quite often: “I have been locked-in for 25 years, where were you then?” as if those of us who breath freedom are guilty of something.

• Another former secretary of Shih, Kuo Wen-pin, wrote about his opinion of Shih on Taiwan Daily (October 15, 2000):

Taking a look at 40 years of his struggle for Taiwan’s democracy, he reveals himself as a visionary; he made several pioneering proposals ahead of his time. He was victim to misunderstanding, mistrust and harsh criticism.

20 years ago Shih already said the four evils of Taiwan’s path towards democracy were the political monopoly by the Kuomintang, the press control in Taiwan, the martial law and the “ten thousand year” legislative session. Risking death penalty, Shih advocated for a “Republic of China, Taiwanese Independence Model”, and added that “Taiwan is already an independent country, it has been so for over 30 years”. For his opinions, Shih was considered seditious and the media, organizations, academia, everyone attacked him and humiliated him, only for the Democratic Progressive Party to adopt and implement his ideas; they even led the way to Lee Teng-hui’s “Silent Revolution” political compromises. When the Kuomintang’s 50 years in power ended, the Chen Shui-bian administration adopted Shih’s ideas during the initial period.

Taiwan is still a young democracy, 30 years of Martial Law came to an end not so long ago and bad political habits of the old times are still persistent. Arrests and repression are no longer the defensive measures of the President when facing harsh criticism, but the abuse of public power, media and party members to insult, humiliate, and smear those who criticize is still common practice.

• Shih Ming-te, 2006, "qui shi zhi chun (囚室之春, Spring in a Prison Cell)", new edition. Taipei, Linking books.

• Shih Ming-te, 2002, "wu si de feng xian zhe (無私的奉獻者, The Selfless Devotee)". Taipei, Commonwealth Publishing Group.

• New Taiwan Foundation, 2002, "yong yuan de zhu ti: shi mingde yu wei jingsheng dui tan lu (永遠的主題：施明德與 魏京生 對談錄, A timeless theme: dialogs between Shih Ming-te and Wei Jingsheng)", Taipei, Linking books.

• Shih Ming-te, 2001, "yue du shi mingde (閱讀施明德, Readig Shih Ming-te)". Taipei, New Taiwan Foundation.

• Shih Ming-te, 1988, "shih mingde de zheng zhi yi shu: mei li dao shi jian jun fa da shen da bian quan wen (施明德的政治遺囑：美麗島事件軍法大審答辯全, Shih Ming-te's Political Testament: The Formosa Incident Hearings)". Taipei, Avanguard.

• Shih Ming-te, 1989, "qiu shi zhi chun (囚室之春, Spring in a Prison Cell)", Kaohsiung, Tunli Publishing.

• Shih Ming-te, 1992, "qiu shi zhi chun: shi mingde san wen ji (囚室之春：施明德散文集, Spring in a Prison Cell: A Collection of Essays)". Taipei, Avangard.

• New Taiwan Foundation, 1995 “shi mingde guo hui san nian (施明德國會三年,Shih Ming-te's Three-year Term in the Legislative Yuan)". Taipei, New Taiwan Foundation.

• Chee Soon Juan, 1998, 《To be Free — stories from Asia's Struggle against Oppression》Australia,Monash Asia Institute Monash University

• 陳素卿，2004，《監禁環境的人格研究：以監獄文學為例》。南華大學文學研究所碩士論文。
• 古淑芳，1999，《台灣黨外運動(1977-1986)：以黨外言論為中心之研究》。國立台灣師範大學歷史研究所碩士論文。
• 黃惠君整理，黃惠君、韋本採訪，1999，〈施明德〉，見新台灣文教基金會美麗島事件口述歷史編輯小組編，《走向美麗島：戰後反對意識的萌芽》，頁48-60。台北：時報文化。
• 馬一龍，1998，〈Shih Ming-teh Turns Paper to Money〉；見馬一龍，《Taiwan Personalities 台灣群英錄：一位外籍記者的訪談》，頁129-32。台北：書林出版有限公司。
• 施明雄，1998a，《白色恐怖黑暗時代台灣人受難史》。台北：前衛。
• 施明雄，1998b，《施家三兄弟的故事》。台北：前衛。
• 徐瑛君，2003，《媒體呈現之候選人形象定位策略研究：以2002年高雄市長選舉為例》。世新大學傳播研究所碩士論文。
• 張為清編著，1980，《施明德落網記》。台北：大東方。
• 中央研究院近代史研究所《口述歷史》編輯委員會，2000，《口述歷史》第10期：〈蘇東啟政治案件專輯〉。台北：中央研究院近代史研究所。

• Politics of the Republic of China
• Kaohsiung Incident
• Million Voices against Corruption, President Chen Must Go

Preceded by Hsu Hsin-liang

Chairperson of the Democratic Progressive Party 1994-1996

Succeeded by Hsu Hsin-liang