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The Tulsa Race Riot, also known as the 1921 Race Riot, The Night That Tulsa Died, the Tulsa Race War, or the Greenwood Riot, was a large-scale civil disorder confined mainly to the racially segregated Greenwood neighborhood of Tulsa, Oklahoma, USA in 1921. During the 16 hours of rioting, over 800 people were admitted to local hospitals with injuries, an estimated 10,000 were left homeless, 35 city blocks composed of 1,256 residences were destroyed by fire, and $1.8 million (nearly $17 million after adjustment for inflation) in property damage.

Officially, thirty-nine people were reported killed in the riot, of whom 10 were white. The actual number of black citizens killed as a result of the riot was estimated in the Red Cross report^[1][2] at around 300; making the Tulsa Race Riot the worst in US history. Other estimates range as high as 3,000, based on the number of grave diggers and other circumstances, although the archaeological and forensic work needed to confirm the number of dead has not been performed^[3].

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Contents 1 Background 2 Monday, May 30, 1921 - Memorial Day 2.1 Encounter in the elevator 2.2 A brief investigation 3 Tuesday, May 31, 1921 3.1 Suspect arrested 3.2 Breaking news 3.3 Stand-off at the courthouse 3.4 An offer of help 3.5 Taking up arms 3.6 A second offer 3.7 The riot 4 Wednesday, June 1, 1921 4.1 Renewed efforts 4.2 Fires begin 4.3 Daybreak 4.4 Attack by air 4.5 Looting and burning 4.6 The other whites 4.7 State troops arrive 5 Aftermath 5.1 Casualties 5.2 Accountability 6 Reconciliation 7 References 8 Further reading 9 Video 10 External links 11 See also

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Tulsa Race Riot occurred in the racially and politically tense atmosphere of northeastern Oklahoma, some of which was a growing hotbed of anti-black sentiment at that time. The Ku Klux Klan made its first major appearance in Oklahoma on August 12, 1921^[4]

Like several other states and territories during the early years of the twentieth century, lynchings were not uncommon in Oklahoma. Between the declaration of statehood on November 16, 1907, and the Tulsa race riot some thirteen years later, thirty-two individuals — twenty-six of whom were black — were lynched in Oklahoma. During the twenty years following the riot, the number of lynchings state wide fell to two^[5].

The Greenwood section of Tulsa was home to a commercial district so prosperous it was known as "the Negro Wall Street" (now commonly referred to as "the Black Wall Street"). Ironically, the economic enclaves here and elsewhere -- bounded and supported by racial discrimination -- supported prosperity and capital formation within the community. In the surrounding areas of northeastern Oklahoma, blacks also enjoyed relative prosperity and participated in the oil boom^[6].

Sometime around or after 4 p.m. Dick Rowland, a nineteen-year old black shoeshiner employed at a Main Street shine parlor, entered the elevator at the rear of the nearby Drexel Building at 319 South Main Street en route to the 'colored' washroom on the top floor.

Upon entering the elevator, he encountered Sarah Page, the seventeen-year old elevator operator who was on duty at the time. It has never been determined with any certainty whether the two young people were acquainted, but it seems reasonable that they knew each other at least by sight, as this building was the only one nearby with a washroom that Rowland had express permission to use, and that the elevator operated by Page was the only one in the building.

In the most generally accepted account, Rowland tripped upon entering the elevator and, in an effort to prevent himself from falling, grabbed the arm of Page, who subsequently let out a startled gasp or scream. In a lesser accepted account, it has been suggested that the two had a quarrel, and it was believed that the young lady was assaulted.

A clerk at Renberg's, a clothing store located on the first floor of the Drexel, heard what sounded like a woman's scream and observed a young black man hurriedly leaving the building. Upon rushing to the elevator, the clerk found Miss Page in what he perceived to be a distraught state. The clerk reached the conclusion that the young woman had been assaulted and subsequently summoned the authorities.

Although the police almost certainly questioned Sarah Page, no written account of her statement has ever surfaced. It may never be known what she told the Renberg's clerk, the police, or anyone else. But whatever conversation transpired between Page and the police, it is generally accepted that they determined what happened between the two teenagers was something less than an assault. This is supported by the fact that the authorities conducted a rather low-key investigation rather than launching an all out man-hunt for her alleged assailant.

Whether or not an actual assault had occurred, Dick Rowland had reason to be fearful. Such an accusation, rightful or not, in those days was enough to incite certain segments of the public to forgo due process and take such matters into their own hands. Upon realizing the gravity of the situation, he fled to his mother's house in the Greenwood neighborhood.

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The morning after the incident, Dick Rowland was located on Greenwood Avenue and detained by Detective Henry Carmichael and Henry C. Pack, a black patrolman, one of only a handful on the city's approximately seventy-eight man police force. After booking, Rowland was taken to the jail on the top floor of the Tulsa County Courthouse for questioning.

Word quickly spread in Tulsa's legal circles. Many attorneys were familiar with Rowland, being patrons of the shine shop where he was employed, and several of them were heard defending him in personal conversations with one another.^{[citation needed]}

By late morning, news of the event had apparently reached the Tulsa Tribune. The newspaper broke the story in that afternoon's edition with the headline: 'Nab Negro for Attacking Girl in Elevator', describing the alleged incident with the, at best sketchy, details that could be assembled on such short notice. It was, however, another article in the same paper that is credited with providing the misinformation that sparked the chain of events that ensued later that evening.

The second article, apparently an editorial, titled 'To Lynch Negro Tonight', spoke of whites assembling to lynch the teenage Rowland. It is, of course, impossible to know where the Tribune obtained information regarding the impending assembly of a lynch mob, but it is common knowledge that this paper was known at the time to have a rather 'sensationalist' style of newswriting. It cannot be determined who the source of this information was, or even if there was any such source at all. Several years later, researchers discovered that the editorial in question was mysteriously missing, having been apparently deliberately removed from the Tribune's archives, as well as the 'Oklahoma Edition' of the Tribune in the state archives. No known copies of this editorial exist today, although several independent citizens, who were confirmably there at the time, corroborate the publication of such an article.

The afternoon edition of the Tribune hit the streets shortly after 3 p.m., and soon news of the impending and, by most accounts, fictitious lynching soon spread. By 4 o'clock, the local authorities were on alert. White people began congregating at and near the Tulsa County Courthouse. Many were simply spectators curious about the rumors. Others were incensed by the alleged incident at the Drexel building and were seeking answers. Still others were looking to participate in or at least show their support of the lynching of the black youth being accused of such a brazen act against a young white woman.

It can never be known with any certainty if a lynching had actually been called for before the newspaper report was published that afternoon. But what is known, is that by sunset at 7:34 p.m., the several hundred whites assembled outside the courthouse appeared to have the makings of a lynch mob. At the very least, they had the appearance of such a mob.

Willard M. McCullough, the newly-appointed sheriff of Tulsa County, was determined that there would be no repeat during his time in office of events like the 1920 lynching of Roy Belton^[7]. The sheriff quickly took steps to ensure the safety of Dick Rowland. McCullough organized his deputies into a defensive formation around Rowland, who was by now terrified. He also positioned six of his men, armed with rifles and shotguns, on the roof of the courthouse. He also disabled the building's elevator, and had his remaining men barricade themselves at the top of the stairs with orders to shoot any intruders on sight. The sheriff also went outside and tried to talk the crowd into going home, but to no avail.

At approximately 8:20 p.m., three white men entered the courthouse, demanding that Rowland be turned over. Deputies were able to turn the men away. Although vastly outnumbered by the growing crowd out on the street, McCullough was determined to prevent another lynching.

Meanwhile, just a few blocks away, on Greenwood Avenue, confused members of the black community were gathering to discuss the situation that had been building at the courthouse. With the recent lynching of Roy Belton, a Jewish youth, they assumed that the group assembled at the courthouse was willing to do the same to Dick Rowland.

Many argued for a more cautious approach, but were apparently overruled when, at about 9 p.m., a group of about 25 black men, armed with rifles and shotguns, decided to march to the courthouse and offer their services to support the sheriff and his deputies in defending their kinsman from the angry community. The sheriff, assuring them that Rowland was safe, implored them to return to Greenwood.

The arrival, then subsequent departure of the armed black mob did not sit well with the white mob, now numbering a thousand or more, many of whom immediately traveled home to retrieve guns of their own. Others headed for the National Guard armory where they planned to gain access to guns and ammunition. The National Guard, having been alerted to the growing situation downtown and to the planned break-in, took appropriate measures to prevent this. By a show of force, a crowd of three to four hundred was successfully turned away from the armory.

Back at the courthouse, the crowd had swelled to nearly 2000, many of them now armed. Several local leaders, including judges and clergy, tried in vain to dissuade them, but with no success. The Chief of Police, John A. Gustafson later claimed that he attempted to talk the crowd into dispersing.

Meanwhile, as the situation at the courthouse continued to escalate, anxiety on Greenwood Avenue was reaching frenzied levels. Their confidence in the security of Dick Rowland was diminishing quickly. Small groups of armed men began to venture toward the courthouse in automobiles, partly for reconnaissance, but with their weapons visible, they were also demonstrating that they were prepared to take necessary action to protect Dick Rowland.

Many community members interpreted these actions as a 'Negro uprising' and became concerned. Violence was imminent as occasional sporadic gunshots into the air began coming at an increased rate.

On Greenwood, rumors began to fly, in particular, a false report that whites were storming the courthouse. Shortly after 10:00 p.m., a second, larger group of approximately seventy-five armed black men decided to make a second visit to the courthouse. Again, they offered their support to the sheriff to help protect Dick Rowland. Once again, their offer was declined.

As the group of black men were again leaving the courthouse, one of them, a uniformed World War I veteran carrying his standard issue service revolver was accosted by a member of the white mob. His goal was presumably to disarm the veteran.^{[citation needed]} A short scuffle ensued and ended with the gun being discharged, killing the white man.

The gunshot triggered an almost immediate response by the white men, many of whom returned fire on the black contingency, who exchanged fire. The black men hurriedly retreated toward Greenwood, but not before several men, both black and white, lay dead or dying in the street.

The now considerably armed white mob pursued the black group toward Greenwood, with many stopping to loot local stores for additional weapons and ammunition. Along the way innocent bystanders, many of whom were letting out of a movie theater, were caught off guard by the riotous mob and began fleeing also. Panic set in as mobsters began firing on unassuming blacks in the crowd. At least one white man was apparently mistakenly shot and killed in the confusion.

At around 11 p.m., members of the local National Guard unit began to assemble at the armory to organize a plan to subdue the rioters. Several groups were deployed downtown to set up guard at the courthouse, police station, and other public facilities. Members of the local chapter of the American Legion joined in on patrols of the streets. It soon became apparent, however, that the deployment of forces was being organized to protect the white districts adjacent to Greenwood. This manner of deployment led to them being set in apparent opposition to the black community. They began rounding up blacks who had not managed to make it back across the tracks to friendly territory and taking them to the armory for detainment.

As news traveled among Greenwood residents in these early morning hours, many began to take up arms in defense of their community, while others began a mass exodus from the city. Throughout the night both sides continued fighting, sometimes only sporadically, and began anticipating what would happen at sunrise.

At around midnight white rioters again assembled outside the courthouse, this time in smaller but more determined numbers. Cries rang out in support of a lynching. They attempted to storm the building, but were turned away and dispersed by the sheriff and his deputies.

Throughout the early morning hours, groups of armed whites and blacks squared off in gunfights. At this point the fighting was concentrated along sections of the Frisco tracks, a key dividing line between the black and white commercial districts. At some point, passengers on an incoming train were forced to take cover as they had arrived in the midst of crossfire, with the train taking hits on both sides.

Small groups of whites made brief forays by car into the Greenwood district, indiscriminately firing into businesses and residences.

At around 1 a.m., a small faction of the white mob began setting fires, mainly to businesses on commercial Archer Street at the edge of the Greenwood district. As crews from the Tulsa Fire Department arrived to put out fires, they were turned away at gunpoint. By 4 a.m., an estimated two-dozen black-owned businesses had been set ablaze.

In the predawn hours the white crowd, now estimated to number over five thousand, had mostly assembled into three groups on the outskirts of Greenwood. One small band of rioters broke free from the group, heading in a car toward the heart of the Greenwood district. Their bodies would later be found, along with their bullet-ridden car near Archer and Franklin Streets.

Upon the 5 a.m. sunrise, a reported train whistle was heard. Many believed this to be a signal for the rioters to launch an all-out assault on Greenwood. Crowds of rioters poured from places of shelter, on foot and by car, into the streets of the black community.

Overwhelmed by the sheer number of white citizens, many blacks began a hasty retreat, north on Greenwood Avenue, toward the edge of town. Chaos ensued as terrified residents fled for their lives. Rioters were shooting indiscriminately, killing many of them along the way.

Differing accounts described airplanes carrying white assailants who were firing guns, dropping homemade kerosene bombs, and quite possibly, sticks of dynamite on buildings, homes, and fleeing families. There was and remains a great deal of controversy regarding the number of planes, who they belonged to, and what exactly their mission was; their existence at all is heavily doubted by many, however, as there were few, if any, such airplanes capable of such actions in the area at the time. There were accounts in black newspapers like the Oklahoma City Black Dispatch and the Chicago Defender riot after the riot, which spoke of the attacks by airplane; so, while the airplanes attacking Greenwood may be "urban mythology," that myth has a provenance that dates to the time of the riot. Moreover, even one white newspaper in Tulsa reported that airplanes circled over Greenwood during the riot. That account, however, had the planes working in conjunction with the police department to survey the riot.

The neutrality of this section is disputed. Please see the discussion on the talk page. This section has been tagged since December 2007.

Groups of white rioters began rounding up black families to be taken to a number of hastily established internment centers.

Several groups of blacks attempted to organize an offense, but were ultimately overwhelmed by the sheer numbers of whites and weapons. Many black defenders, ceding defeat, surrendered. Still others returned fire, ultimately losing their lives.

As the fires spread northward through Greenwood, countless black families continued to flee. Many were trapped by the flames, losing their lives. Firemen who had been turned away at gunpoint from the fires in Greenwood began concentrating their efforts on preventing the fires from spreading to neighboring white neighborhoods.

Not all white Tulsans shared the views of the rioters. It is claimed that a few whites and Hispanics in neighborhoods adjacent to Greenwood took up arms in support of their black neighbors, but they too were grossly outnumbered.

As unrest spread to other parts of the city, many middle class white families that employed blacks in their homes as cooks and servants were accosted by angry white rioters demanding that they turn over their employees to be taken to detention centers around the city. Many white families complied, but those who refused were subjected to attacks and vandalism.

Oklahoma National Guard troops finally arrived from Oklahoma City by train shortly after 9 a.m. By this time, most of the surviving black citizens had either fled the city or were in custody at the various detention centers. Although they had arrived too late to stop what had happened during the previous 10 hours, by noon, and after declaring martial law, the troops had managed to put an end to most of the remaining violence.

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Although official counts put the number of dead at 39; 26 black, 13 white, it is generally accepted that this number is substantially higher, especially among black victims. Estimates range from seventy-five to over three hundred. Based on the evidence available, the actual number of black citizens believed to be killed during the riot may be around 300. Many of the dead, who may never be accurately identified, are believed to have been buried in unmarked and sometimes mass graves. The forensic and archeological work needed to verify the numbers has not been authorized.

Of the some 800 people admitted to local hospitals for injuries, a vast majority are believed to have been white, as both black hospitals had been burned in the rioting. Additionally, even if any of the white hospitals operating at the time would have admitted blacks under these special circumstances, injured blacks had little means to get to these hospitals. Several among the black dead were known to have died while in the internment centers. While most of these deaths are thought to be accurately recorded, there are no records to be found as to how many detainees were treated for injuries and survived. These numbers could very reasonably be over a thousand, perhaps several thousand.

In 1997, following increased attention to the riot brought on by the seventy-fifth anniversary of the event, the Tulsa Race Riot Commission was created to study and develop an "historical account" of the riot. The study "enjoyed strong support from members of both parties and all political persuasions."^[8] The Commission delivered its report on February 21, 2001.^[9] The report included recommendations for substantial restitution; in order of priority:

1. Direct payment of reparations to survivors of the 1921 Tulsa Race Riot
2. Direct payment of reparations to descendants of the survivors of the Tulsa Race Riot
3. A scholarship fund available to students affected by the Tulsa Race Riot
4. Establishment of an economic development enterprise zone in the historic area of the Greenwood District
5. A memorial for the reburial of the remains of the victims of the Tulsa Race Riot^[10]

The Tulsa Reparations Coalition, sponsored by the Center for Racial Justice, Inc., was formed on April 7, 2001 to obtain restitution for the damages suffered by Tulsa's Black community, as recommended by the Oklahoma Commission.

In June 2001, the Oklahoma state legislature passed the "1921 Tulsa Race Riot Reconciliation Act." While falling short of the Commission's recommendations, it provided for 300+ college scholarships for descendants of Greenwood residents, mandated the creation of a memorial to those who died in the riot, and called for new efforts to promote economic development in Greenwood.^[11]

There have been limited attempts to find suspected mass graves used to bury the unknown numbers of black dead. The Commission reported that they were not authorized to do the necessary archaeological work to verify the claims.

Five elderly survivors of the riot, led by a legal team including Johnnie Cochran and Charles Ogletree, filed suit against the city of Tulsa and the state of Oklahoma (Alexander, et al, v. Oklahoma, et al.) in February 2003, based on the findings of the 2001 report. Ogletree said the state and city should compensate the victims and their families "to honor their admitted obligations as detailed in the commission's report." ^[12] The plantiffs did not seek reparations as such; rather, they asked for the establishment of educational and health-care resources for current residents of Greenwood^[13] However, the federal district and appellate courts dismissed the suit citing the statute of limitations on the 80-year-old case, ^[14] and the Supreme Court refused to hear the appeal. In April 2007, Ogletree appealed to the U.S. Congress to pass a bill extending the statute of limitations for the case. ^[15]

• 1921 Tulsa Race Riot: The American Red Cross-Angels of Mercy by Rob Hower, Maurice Willows
• Anatomy of Four Race Riots: Racial Conflict in Knoxville, Elaine (Arkansas), Tulsa, and Chicago, 1919-1921 by Lee E. Williams
• The Burning: Massacre, Destruction, and the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 by Tim Madigan
• Death in a Promised Land: The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 by Scott Ellsworth
• White, Walter F.. "The Eruption of Tulsa", Tulsa, 1921, The Nation, 2001-08-23. Retrieved on 2006-07-15. 
• Fire in Beulah (fiction) by Rilla Askew
• If We Must Die: A Novel of Tulsa's 1921 Greenwood Riot (fiction) by Pat M. Carr
• Race riot 1921: Events of the Tulsa disaster by Mary E. Jones Parrish
• Reconstructing the Dreamland : The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, Race Reparations, and Reconciliation by Alfred L. Brophy, Randall Kennedy
• Riot and Remembrance: The Tulsa Race War and Its Legacy by James S. Hirsch
• Tulsa Race War of 1921 by Donald Halliburton
• Tulsa panel seeks truth from 1921 race riot CNN, August 3, 1999

• A Find of a Lifetime. Silent film of African-American towns in Oklahoma. 1920's. Rev. S. S. Jones for the National Baptist Convention. American Heritage magazine. Retrieved September 16, 2006.

• The Tulsa Race Riot of 1921
• Tulsa race riot of 1921 archive
• Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 Archive -- Photographs

• Rosewood, Florida
• 16th Street Baptist Church bombing
• Nat Turner
• Reparations for slavery
• Mass racial violence in the United States