United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo

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The United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo or UNMIK is an interim civilian administration in Kosovo, under the authority of the United Nations. The mission was established on June 10, 1999 by Security Council Resolution 1244.

The province is the subject of a long-running political and territorial dispute between the Serbian (and previously, the Yugoslav) government and Kosovo's largely ethnic-Albanian population. Whilst Serbia's continued sovereignty over Kosovo is recognised by the international community, a clear majority of the province's population would prefer independence. UNSCR 1244 also called for a political process to determine the future status of Kosovo; UN-sponsored negotiations began in 2006 (See Kosovo status process).

The head of UNMIK is technically the Special Representative of the Secretary-General ('SRSG') and is appointed by the Secretary-General under the advice of UN member states. Joachim Rücker, a German diplomat, has been the SRSG since September 2006, replacing Steven Schook who served as acting-SRSG since the departure of Søren Jessen-Petersen in June 2006.

Contents

UNMIK has been divided into four sections which it calls "pillars." These are:

Responsibility for enforcement of Pillars I and II has now been transferred to the institutions of provisional self-government in Kosovo. The UN, however, still monitors this enforcement.

Following a major internal restructuring of its activities, this Pillar structure underwent a change. Pillar I was dissolved and as a consequence the Police Commissioner and the Director of the Department of Justice reporting directly to the SRSG in stead of reporting to a DSRSG as was the case earlier. Pillar II was scaled down to a Department of Civil Administration and its Director also reporting directly to the SRSG.

UNMIK oversees a substantial UN International Police force numbered currently at approximately 1985, which includes Formed Police Units as well.

A NATO-led force called KFOR provides an international security presence in support of UNMIK's work, but is not subordinate to the UN.

According to resolution 1244, UNMIK is to:

  • perform basic civilian administrative functions;
  • promote the establishment of substantial autonomy and self-government in Kosovo;
  • facilitate a political process to determine Kosovo's future status;
  • coordinate humanitarian and disaster relief of all international agencies;
  • support the reconstruction of key infrastructure;
  • maintain civil law and order;
  • promote human rights; and
  • assure the safe and unimpeded return of all refugees and displaced persons to their homes in Kosovo.

But UNMIK has been criticized for failing to achieve many of its stated objectives and is widely resented by both Kosovo Serbs and Kosovo Albanians[citation needed]. After seven years of work (as of 2006):

  • Key infrastructure is not reconstructed; specifically, electric distribution is still very problematic;
  • UNMIK created constitutional framework for Kosovo, while authorised to create only legal framework;
  • UNMIK has been slow to transfer competencies to the provisional Kosovo institutions;
  • Ethnic violence has occasionally flared (most notably in March 2004);
  • Corruption, including allegations of corruption within UNMIK, remains endemic;
  • Human rights have been problematic, especially with Kosovo's minority communities;
  • There has been a failure to eliminate parallel structures, insofar as health and education within the Kosovo Serbian community remain dependent on Serbian budgets;
  • UNMIK has been accused of failing to implement an economic development strategy;
  • There are around 250,000.[1][2][3] refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) from Kosovo, the vast majority of whom are Serbs, who still do not feel safe returning to their homes. Kosovo Albanians displaced from the divided town of Mitrovica have yet to be granted the right to return.
  • Amongst other things, according to SC Resolution 1244, Serbia is authorised to send a specific amount of its troops back into Kosovo. UNMIK so far has prevented Serbia from doing so, thus in fact breaching the resolution.
  • Illegal Serb intelligence and interior forces continue to operate clandestinely in Kosovo, especially in the north[citation needed];
  • Since the establishment of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) in 1999, according to some international organizations Kosovo has become a major destination country for women and young girls trafficked into forced prostitution. According to Amnesty International, most of women are trafficked from Moldova, Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine [1] [2] [3].

In June 2005, a BBC article suggested that the European Roma Rights Centre were to sue UNMIK over Roma in Mitrovica Camps.

In July 2006, a new book, 'Peace at Any Price: How the World Failed Kosovo', written by two former senior staffers at UNMIK, exposed a catalogue of errors and incompetence in the institution over its seven year history.

Main article: Kosovo status process
See also: Constitutional status of Kosovo

2005
A UN-led political process began in late 2005 to determine Kosovo's future status. Belgrade proposed that Kosovo be highly autonomous and remain a part of Serbia — Belgrade officials repeatedly said that an imposition of Kosovo's independence would be a violation of Serbia's sovereignty and therefore contrary to international law and the UN Charter. Representatives of Kosovo's ethnic-Albanian majority asserted that Kosovo must become independent, arguing that the violence of the Milošević years made continued union between Kosovo and Serbia impossible.

UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari, a former president of Finland, leads the status process with Austrian diplomat Albert Rohan, his deputy. Ahtisaari's office — the UN Office of the Special Envoy for Kosovo (UNOSEK) — is located in Vienna and includes liaison staff from NATO, the European Union and the United States.

2006
The initial status negotiations focused on technical issues important for Kosovo's long-term stability, particularly the rights and protection of Kosovo's minorities (and especially the Kosovo Serbs). Ahtisaari brought the parties together for the first direct dialogue in February 2006 to discuss decentralization of local government, an important measure in the protection of Kosovo Serb communities. Subsequent meetings addressed economic issues, property rights, protection of Serbian Orthodox Church heritage and institutional guarantees for the rights of Kosovo's minorities.[4][5]

On July 24, 2006, Ahtisaari brought the parties together in Vienna for the first high-level talks on the status outcome itself. Serbian President Boris Tadić, Prime Minister Vojislav Koštunica, Kosovo President Fatmir Sejdiu and Prime Minister Agim Çeku attended and presented their respective platforms for Kosovo's future status. Ahtisaari later told the press that the meeting resulted in no breakthroughs, but added that the discussion was "frank and candid" and the atmosphere was better than he could have expected.[6][7]

Ahtisaari briefed Contact Group foreign ministers on September 20, 2006, in New York City at a meeting chaired by U.S. Secretary of state Condoleezza Rice. At that meeting, the Contact Group released a press statement that reaffirmed its desire to work towards a negotiated settlement in the course of 2006 and also endorsed Ahtisaari's plans to develop a comprehensive proposal for a status settlement.[8]

As the end of 2006 neared, and despite progress on technical matters, both parties remained diametrically opposed on the question of status itself.[9]

2007
On February 2, 2007, Ahtisaari delivered to representatives in Belgrade and Pristina a draft status settlement proposal. The proposal covered a wide range of issues related to Kosovo's future, in particular measures to protect Kosovo's non-Albanian communities such as decentralization of government, protection of Serbian Orthodox Church heritage and institutional protections for non-Albanian communities, which would remain in place for at least three years. Whilst not mentioning the word "independence," the draft included several provisions that were widely interpreted as implying statehood for Kosovo. In particular, the draft Settlement would give Kosovo the right to apply for membership in international organizations, to create a Kosovo Security Force and adopt national symbols.[10] Ahtisaari conducted several weeks of consultations with the parties in Vienna to finalize the Settlement, including a high-level meeting on 10 March 2007 that brought together the Presidents and Prime Ministers of both sides. After this meeting, leaders from both sides signalled a total unwillingness to compromise on their central demands (Kosovo Albanians for Kosovo's independence; Belgrade for continued sovereignty over Kosovo). Concluding that there was little hope of the two sides reconciling their positions independently, Ahtisaari said he would submit to the UN Security Council his own proposed status arrangements, including an explicit recommendation for the status outcome itself, by the end of March.[11]

Most international observers believed that these negotiations would lead to Kosovo's independence, subject to a period of international supervision.[12] Nevertheless, Russian President Vladimir Putin stated in September 2006 that Russia might veto a UN Security Council proposal on Kosovo's final status that applied different standards than those applied to the separatist Georgian regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.[13] The Russian ambassador to Serbia asserted that Russia will use its veto power unless the solution is acceptable to both Belgrade and Kosovo Albanians.[14]

In a survey carried out by UNDP and published in March 2007, 96% of Kosovo Albanians and 77% of non-Serb minorities in Kosovo wanted Kosovo to become independent within present borders. Some 78% of the Serb minority wanted Kosovo to remain an autonomous province within Serbia. Just 2.5% of the ethnic-Albanians wanted unification with Albania.[15] Separately, the UN refugee agency made contingency plans for up to 70,000 further Serbian refugees in the wake of any successful independence claim by Kosovo Albanians.[16] [17]

In early May 2007, European members of the UN Security Council, Germany and the United States circulated a draft UN Security Council resolution that would replace UN Security Council Resolution 1244, endorse Ahtisaari's proposals and end the UN administration of Kosovo after a transition period of 120 days. The US Permanent Representative to the UN said that the European/US draft had enough support in the Security Council to be adopted unless Russia chose to object.[18][19][20] [21] Whilst most observers had, at the beginning of the talks, anticipated independence as the most likely outcome, others suggested that a rapid resolution might not be preferable.[22]

The Contact Group said that, regardless of the outcome of the present negotiations, a new International Civilian Office (ICO) will be established in Kosovo to take up the civil administration provided for under UNSCR 1244, supervise the implementation of any status settlement and safeguard minority rights. NATO leaders said that the presence of KFOR will be maintained in Kosovo after any status settlement. The EU will establish a European Security and Defense Policy Rule of Law mission to focus on the policing and justice sectors.

As of early July 2007 the draft resolution, backed by the United States, the United Kingdom and other European members of the Security Council, was rewritten four times to try to accommodate Russian concerns[23], and despite talks between the Presidents of Russia and the United States.[24] Russia stated that it would not support any resolution which was not acceptable to both parties.[25] Representatives of the states backing independence expressed hope that agreement can be found amongst the Security Council.[26] One Western diplomat, quoted by a British newspaper, offered an opinion on the state of negotiations: "I wouldn’t say it was game, set and match to the Russians but it is game and set".[27]

Whilst the draft resolution on Kosovo's status had yet to be endorsed by the Security Council, senior US officials had been suggesting that an agreement might be reached by 2008. The US assistant secretary of state for European affairs told delegates at a NATO conference in Croatia that he hoped that Kosovo's future could be resolved in the months leading up to the alliance's next summit meeting in Romania in April of that year.[28] Were the draft resolution to fail, observers had been speculating that fresh talks between the parties might follow.

On Monday July 16, 2007 after many weeks of discussions at the Security Council, Russia rejected a fifth draft of a Security Council resolution based on the Ahtisaari proposals. British and European Union officials suggested on July 17, 2007 that a final draft would be presented 'within days' in an effort to secure Russian support. European Union foreign policy chief proposed new talks between Belgrade and Kosovo Albanians if this final draft failed, lasting for a period of four months and under the guidance of the Contact Group of leading nations.[29]

Concerns remain that a failure to secure a resolution favourable to Kosovo Albanian opinion might lead to violence in Kosovo, including in the period up to a possible election in November 2007. Kosovo newspaper Zeri suggested, Reuters reported, that Contact Group nations might be considering an international conference on Kosovo in September in Paris.[30]

The United States, United Kingdom and other European members of the Security Council formally 'discarded' a draft resolution backing Ahtisaari's proposal on July 20, 2007, having failed to secure Russian backing. Kosovo Albanian leaders reacted by proposing unilateral independence for 28 November 2007, though the UN would be required to overrule any such action.[31][32]

Recognition of any unilateral declaration of independence would likely be of central importance; though US officials have indicated that they might support such a move, European nations have argued against unilateral moves by either side. French foreign minister and former UN Kosovo chief, Bernard Kouchner, warned that a unilateral declaration would split the European Union over recognition for the province, whilst US State Department spokesman Sean McCormack commented that, 'There is nothing to be gained by short-circuiting the diplomatic process that is under way.' Violence is feared in Kosovo should Kosovo Albanian demands for independence not be met.[4]

Despite the deadlock , the European Union has already drawn-up plans to take over the province. A 72-member European Union delegation with 200 local support staff would have a mandate to oversee implementation of the UN plan. An EU chief representative would continue to perform the same duties as the SRSG, with veto power over government decisions and the authority to fire officials found obstructing the implementation of the UN Security Council resolution. [5]

Main article: Kosovo status process

  1. ^ Coordination Centre of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Republic of Serbia for Kosovo and Metohija
  2. ^ UNHCR: 2002 Annual Statistical Report: Serbia and Montenegro, pg. 9
  3. ^ USCR: Country report: Yugoslavia
  4. ^ Cite error 8; No text given.
  5. ^ Cite error 8; No text given.
  6. ^ Cite error 8; No text given.
  7. ^ "Serbian, Kosovo Albanian talks fail to reach breakthrough on future status " Agence France-Presse (AFP), Vienna, July 24, 2006.
  8. ^ Kosovo Contact Group Ministerial Statement, New York, September 20, 2006.
  9. ^ "UN frustrated by Kosovo deadlock ", BBC News, October 9, 2006.
  10. ^ "UN envoy seeks multi-ethnic, self-governing Kosovo ", Agence France-Presse (AFP), Vienna, February 2, 2007.
  11. ^ "[http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20070310/wl_nm/serbia_kosovo1_dc_4;_ylt=AvL5xEUliSVd9RrxZLjpSI8XxHcA UN to decide Kosovo's fate as talks end deadlocked] ", Reuters, Vienna, March 10, 2007.
  12. ^ "Kosovo's status — the wheels grind on", The Economist, October 6, 2005
  13. ^ "Putin says world should regard Kosovo, separatist Georgian regions on equal footing", International Herald Tribune, September 13, 2006.
  14. ^ "Russian ambassador: Compromise or veto", B92, December 4, 2006.
  15. ^ UNDP: Early Warning Report page 16, March 2007 http://www.kosovo.undp.org/repository/docs/EWR15FinalENG.pdf
  16. ^ http://www.telegraph.co.uk/opinion/main.jhtml?xml=/opinion/2007/03/30/nosplit/dt3001.xml
  17. ^ http://www.crisisgroup.org/library/documents/europe/balkans/177_kosovo_status___delay_is_risky.pdf
  18. ^ Russia Might Veto Kosovo Independence Proposal - U.S. Likes the Plan
  19. ^ Russia threatens to veto UN Kosovo resolution - dept. FM
  20. ^ Russia threatens veto over Kosovo
  21. ^ "[http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/un_kosovo;_ylt=As7I249q_nofClx8rnKE6LYXxHcA UN Resolution on Kosovo Circulated]", AP, May 11, 2007.
  22. ^ http://www.ft.com/cms/s/985caa90-de5a-11db-afa7-000b5df10621.html
  23. ^ http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/newsbriefs/setimes/newsbriefs/2007/06/29/nb-07
  24. ^ http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,,2116116,00.html
  25. ^ http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/newsbriefs/setimes/newsbriefs/2007/07/10/nb-02
  26. ^ http://www.guardian.co.uk/frontpage/story/0,,2117284,00.html
  27. ^ http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article2009990.ece
  28. ^ http://www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,,2122139,00.html
  29. ^ http://www.ft.com/cms/s/8e12741a-347d-11dc-8c78-0000779fd2ac.html
  30. ^ http://www.ft.com/cms/s/8e12741a-347d-11dc-8c78-0000779fd2ac.html
  31. ^ http://news.yahoo.com/fc/World/Kosovo | Kosovo pushes independence after UN action fails | accessdate=2007-07-20
  32. ^ http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/features/setimes/features/2007/07/20/feature-01
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